“Ones Who Have Fallen Out” (Nefel): Spontaneous, Accidental, and Intentional: Miscarriage Laws in Ancient Israel
Surveying biblical and rabbinic law alongside archaeological and comparative Near Eastern evidence, this article examines how ancient Israel understood and regulated miscarriage — spontaneous, accidental, and intentional. It analyzes the two competing interpretive traditions of the Exodus 21:22-25 injury law, one reading the described harm as harm to the fetus, the other as harm to the pregnant woman, and surveys medical, magical, and liturgical practices used to protect pregnancies. The article traces rabbinic rulings on abortion and the purity laws of miscarriage, concluding that the fetus was generally treated as part of the mother's body rather than as a separate legal person until birth, and closes by setting these Israelite sources against comparable Mesopotamian, Hittite, Greek, and Roman traditions, several of which treated abortion far more punitively, or far more permissively, than rabbinic law did.
Miscarriages,1 whether spontaneous, accidental, or intentional (i.e., abortion), were a topic of comments, actions taken, and laws in ancient Israel.2 As a subject of historical inquiry, miscarriages in ancient Israel present specific challenges that have resulted in a limited body of scholarship. Most of the extant sources are textual traditions composed by men and may be far removed from the actual experiences of women. The dearth of sources produced by women also makes it difficult to reconstruct how women understood and dealt with pregnancy loss.
Spontaneous Miscarriages
The Bible refers to spontaneous miscarriages as “ones who have fallen out” (nefel).3 An indirect biblical reference to a spontaneous miscarriage is Miriam’s skin disease, described in striking terms: “Let her not be like one dead, who emerges from his mother’s womb with half his flesh eaten away”.4
Accidentally Causing a Miscarriage
Biblical law requires payment for a fetus lost due to an accident (i.e., two people fight and one of them accidentally pushes a pregnant woman and she miscarries).5 The text describes two situations: in one case, no harm (ason) results from the physical blow dealt to the pregnant woman and the perpetrator is fined; in the other case, harm does result from the injury and the perpetrator receives capital punishment: When men fight, and one of them pushes a pregnant woman and her children emerge, but no other damage ensues, he shall be fined according as the woman’s husband may exact from him, the payment to be as the judges determine. But if other damage ensues, the penalty shall be life for life, eye for eye, tooth for tooth, hand for hand, foot for foot, burn for burn, wound for wound, bruise for bruise (Ex. 21:22-25).
Biblical scholars have discussed some of the difficulties in this text. First, it is not clear why the phrase expressing expulsion of the fetus should speak of “children” in the plural.
Second, the text does not make it clear whether the object of the potential harm being discussed is the fetus or the pregnant woman. There are two distinct interpretive traditions of Exodus 21:22-23 that reflect differing views on the degrees of personhood attributed to a fetus. On the one hand, the reading suggested in the Septuagint and explicitly found in Philo of Alexandria’s writing understands the biblical cases as discussing harm caused to the embryo or fetus. The first scenario describes a case of miscarriage during the early stage of pregnancy. Since the fetus or embryo is not fully formed and does not have the legal status of a person, the text views that “no harm” occurred and the perpetrator only pays a monetary fine for the harm caused to the embryo or fetus. In the second scenario, the fetus is fully formed and thus the harm to the fetus is legally comparable to harm caused to a person; the perpetrator receives capital punishment for having destroyed a life.6
On the other hand, Josephus and the rabbinic tradition consider the pregnant woman as the object of harm in the text. The first case where “no harm” occurred refers to a situation where the pregnant woman was unharmed, even though she miscarried. The perpetrator pays monetary damages to compensate for the loss of the pregnancy. The second case where “harm” occurred refers to a situation where the woman miscarried and died; thus, the perpetrator receives capital punishment for the death of the woman. According to this reading, the text does not ascribe embryos or fetuses the status of personhood. Furthermore, a rabbinic halakhic midrash explicitly rejects the interpretive tradition found in Philo.7 This act of physical violence was caused by a prior intent on the part of each antagonist to cause bodily harm to the other, and thus their activity was intrinsically hazardous. Since the possibility of indirect damage was foreseeable, the antagonists are liable for an injury to an innocent bystander, in this case, a pregnant woman. Restitution is to be made, but there is no retaliation if death of the mother does not ensue.
Third (and contrary to the other ancient Near East laws), the Bible does not specify the amount of the financial compensation to be negotiated with the woman’s husband, specifying only the restriction that the transaction should be done b’plilim. The term plilim is often translated as “judges”8 but it also means “estimation” or “assessment,”9 the idea being that the husband makes a claim based on some recognized system. Rabbinic interpretation takes pelilim to mean “the judges,” that is, those who are to approve the sum demanded by the husband.10 In any case, this provision at the end of v. 22 imposes a certain regulation on the transaction in order to prevent abuse, but without determining specifically the amount to be paid.
With regard to “other damage” in verse 23 (presumably, the death of the mother), the principle of life for life is invoked, as opposed to a monetary fine. This accords with the rule that the killing of a human being cannot be compensated for by the payment of money.11
Practices Associated With Miscarriage
Outside of the Jewish legal tradition, Jewish medical, magical, and liturgical traditions describe practices associated with the prevention of pregnancy loss.12 The magical and liturgical traditions are especially significant historical sources, as these texts and objects were produced or used by women. In the Middle Ages, the extensive collection of Hebrew medical manuscripts that focus on gynecology, including references to the prevention of miscarriage and the treatment of a woman who miscarried, suggests a widespread interest in this field.13 There is also a longstanding Jewish magical tradition associated with preventing miscarriage, including the production of protective amulets dating back to the 8th century BCE. The archaeological discovery of such amulets in the City of David excavations attests to these practices in antiquity, but these traditions have a long afterlife. Karel Toorn describes women who wore a jeweled birthstone guarded by magic.14 Within this tradition, certain verses, especially Psalm 116:6, are associated with protecting a fetus.15
Prayer is also an important way to protect a pregnant woman and her fetus. Within the Bible, many of the women who struggle with infertility pray to God. While there are indications of a longstanding tradition of women praying for issues relating to pregnancy, the earliest evidence of a women’s liturgical tradition is the early modern collections of tkhines, prayers written in Yiddish for women, some of which were authored by women. One seventeenth-century collection is entirely dedicated to different daily prayers for a pregnant woman to recite in order to ensure her and her fetus’s safety.16 These prayers provide insight into the daily lives of women, including their concerns relating to pregnancy.
Although biblical purity laws governing menstruation and birth outlined in Leviticus do not address the case of miscarriage,17 the Qumranic Temple Scroll does briefly address the case of a woman who has miscarried but has not yet expelled the fetus.18 Moreover, rabbinic literature pays significant attention to the purity laws of miscarriage. It prescribes techniques for examining parturient tissue and miscarried fetuses in order to determine whether a miscarriage has occurred and, if so, the sex of the fetus.19 Additionally, the texts design a system for classifying the shapes of miscarried embryos and fetuses.20 After the fetus is inspected, it is buried, although there is a debate21 as to the stage in a fetus’s development at which it is required to be buried. Yet, no official ritual mourning practices are observed.
Abortion
The Bible says next to nothing about mothers intentionally aborting their fetuses.22 Meredith Kline’s perspective on the lack of abortion legislation in biblical law is: “It was so unthinkable that an Israelite woman should desire an abortion that there was no need to mention this offense in the criminal code.”23 Although Jeremiah’s lament that he wished he had never been born24 might indicate abortion was known in ancient Israel, it could also mean he wished he had been spontaneously aborted.
During the Talmudic period, abortion was not considered a transgression.25 According to Oholot 7:6: “If a woman is in hard labor, one dismembers the fetus within her, removing it limb by limb, because her life takes precedence over its life”.26 Arakhin 1:7 rules that a pregnant woman who is liable to capital punishment for some transgression is to be executed prior to giving birth unless she has begun to give birth. The mode of execution guaranteed that the fetus was killed in utero before the mother (i.e. the first stone was to be dropped on her abdominal area). Thus abortion did not constitute murder.27
Conclusion
In conclusion, Israel was an agrarian society during the biblical period (1200-600 BCE). Bearing children was valued highly and a woman’s primary role was that of mother. Giving birth and raising children, however, were difficult, given the high rate of maternal death in childbirth and of infant mortality. Unfortunately, as many as a third of children born in the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1550 BCE) Levant died before reaching age five.28
There were many laws and perspectives concerning spontaneous, accidental, and intentional miscarriages during the biblical period. With regard to the status of the fetus, the overwhelming view was that until the actual birth, the fetus was considered a part of the mother’s body and not a separate person.
Many of the issues and laws raised relating to miscarriages in ancient Israel are still relevant and being debated. Biblical scholars and rabbinic organizations are concerned about laws and the effect of the “ones who have fallen out” on their families.
Works Cited
Balberg, Mira. Purity, Body, and Self in Early Rabbinic Literature. Berkeley, Calif., 2014.
Barkai, Ron. A History of Jewish Gynaecological Texts in the Middle Ages. Leiden, 1998.
Baumgarten, Elisheva. Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe. Oxford, 2004.
Bohak, Gideon. Ancient Jewish Magic: A History. New York, 2008; Naveh, Joseph and Shaked, Shaul. Magic Spells and Formulae: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity. Jerusalem, 1993.
Geller, Mark. “The Survival of Babylonian Wissenschaft in Later Tradition,” in The Heirs of Assyria: Proceedings of the Opening Symposium of the Assyrian and Babylonian Intellectual Heritage Project, Helsinki, 2000.
Goetze, Albrecht. “The Hittite Laws,” in Ancient Near Eastern Texts, James B. Pritchard, ed., 1950.
Harrington, Hannah. The Purity Texts. New York, 2004.
Irshai, Ronit. Fertility and Jewish Law: Feminist Perspectives on Orthodox Responsa Literature. Waltham, Mass., 2012.
Kaye, Devra. Seyder Tkhines: The Forgotten Book of Common Prayer for Jewish Women. Philadelphia, Pa., 2004.
Jones, David. The Soul of the Embryo: An Enquiry into the Status of the Human Embryo in the Christian Tradition. 2nd ed. London: Continuum, 2005.
King, L.W. Laws of Hammurabi. Yale Law School, The Avalon Project, Lillian Goldman Law Library, 2008.
Kline, Meredith. “Lex Talionis and the Human Fetus,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, 1977.
Lefkowitz, Mary R. and Fant, Maureen R. “Intercourse, Conception and Pregnancy,” in Women’s Life in Greece and Rome: A Source Book in Translation. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992.
Meek, Theophile J. “Assyrian Laws,” in Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 1969.
Nakkai, Beth Alpert. “When Considering Infants and Jar Burials in the Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant,” in Tell It in Gath: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel. Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir, Ägypten und Altes Testament 90. Münster: Zaphon, 2018.
Neis, Rachel. “The Reproduction of Species: Humans, Animals and Species Nonconformity in Early Rabbinic Science,” JSQ 24.4 (2017), 434-51.
Parker, P.M., ed. Plato: The Republic. San Diego: ICON Group International, 2005.
Reeve, C. David, ed. Aristotle’s Politics: A New Translation. Hackett Publishing, 2017.
Reiman, Jeffrey. Abortion and the Ways We Value Human Life. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999.
Riddle, John. Contraception and Abortion from the Ancient World to the Renaissance. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1994.
Speiser, Ephraim. “The Stem PLL in Hebrew,” JBL 82 (1963), 301-306.
Stol, Marten. Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting. Groningen, 2000.
Toorn, Karel van der. From Her Cradle to Her Grave: The Role of Religion in the Life of the Israelite and the Babylonian Woman. Translated by Sara J. Denning-Bolle. Biblical Seminar, 23. Sheffield: JSOT, 1994.
Veatch, Robert. Cross Cultural Perspectives in Medical Ethics. Boston: Jones & Bartlett, 2000.
Weiner, Jason. “Jewish Guidance on the Loss of a Baby or Fetus,” Hakirah 23 (2017), 93-111.
Williams, Bernard Myles, ed. Plato’s Theaetetus. Hackett Publishing, 1992.
Footnotes
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Most medical authorities define a stillbirth as the death or loss of a baby before or during delivery. Both miscarriage and stillbirth describe pregnancy loss, but they differ according to when the loss occurs. In the United States, the Center for Disease Control defines a miscarriage as loss of a baby before the 20th week of pregnancy, and a stillbirth as loss of a baby at or after 20 weeks of pregnancy; the UK defines a stillbirth as the loss of a baby at or after 24 weeks of pregnancy; and UNICEF defines a stillbirth as the loss of a baby at or after 28 weeks of pregnancy. ↩
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As a preface, this paper was written long before the recent United States Supreme Court decision regarding Roe v. Wade resurfaced as a headline frenzy. Before the original case was argued before the Supreme Court (argued Dec. 13, 1971), lawmakers as well as clergy voiced their opinions. Now, in 2022, miscarriages, whether spontaneous, accidental, or intentional (i.e., abortion), are once again being debated. ↩
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Examples include: Why was I not like a buried stillbirth, like babies who never saw the light? (Job 3:16); …like a woman’s stillbirth, may they never see the sun! (Ps. 58:9); The stillbirth, though it was not even accorded a burial, is more fortunate than he (Eccl. 6:3). ↩
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Numbers 12:12. ↩
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Several other ancient Near Eastern laws concern accidental miscarriages and contain stipulations providing for compensation. The penalties in the Laws of Hammurabi vary depending upon the loss (fetus; mother) and the rank and social status of the woman (free-born; free-class; maid-servant; slave). (Laws of Hammurabi 209-14, translated by L.W. King.) The Assyrian Laws are similarly detailed for violently causing a miscarriage, imposing execution or payment on the principle of a life for a life depending on whether the woman died and on her status. (Assyrian Laws, Tablet A 50-52, translated by Theophile J. Meek.) The Hittite Laws suggest a distinction based on the loss implied for the father or family, and, unlike other law codes, do not consider the assault on the woman or her possible death. (Hittite Laws, Tablet 1: 17-18, translated by Albrecht Goetze.) ↩
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This interpretation remains influential in medieval Christian traditions. See Marten Stol, Birth in Babylonia and the Bible: Its Mediterranean Setting, Groningen 2000, pp. 43-44; Philo, Spec. 3.109. ↩
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Ronit Irshai, Fertility and Jewish Law: Feminist Perspectives on Orthodox Responsa Literature, Waltham, Mass. 2012, pp. 117-59; Mira Balberg, Purity, Body, and Self in Early Rabbinic Literature, Berkeley, Calif. 2014, pp. 110-15; Josephus, Ant. 4.33; MekhSh 21:22. ↩
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Cf. Targum, Peshitta, or Ant. 4.8.33. ↩
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Ephraim Speiser, “The Stem PLL in Hebrew,” JBL 82 (1963): 301-306. ↩
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Mekhilta Mishpatim 8, p. 276. ↩
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Numbers 35:31. ↩
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There are several references to the prevention of miscarriages in other ancient Near Eastern literature. For example, a Babylonian gynecological text from the 1st millennium BCE (K. 263+) juxtaposes the abnormal flow of blood from a pregnant woman with the likelihood of a miscarriage, describing recipes for suppositories and potions to prevent it. ↩
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Ron Barkai, A History of Jewish Gynaecological Texts in the Middle Ages, Leiden 1998. ↩
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Karel van der Toorn, From Her Cradle to Her Grave: The Role of Religion in the Life of the Israelite and the Babylonian Woman, trans. Sara J. Denning-Bolle, Biblical Seminar 23, Sheffield: JSOT, 1994, p. 83. ↩
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Gideon Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic: A History, New York 2008, pp. 310, 373; Joseph Naveh and Shaul Shaked, Magic Spells and Formulae: Aramaic Incantations of Late Antiquity, Jerusalem 1993, pp. 37-38; Elisheva Baumgarten, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe, Oxford 2004, pp. 48-49. ↩
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Devra Kaye, Seyder Tkhines: The Forgotten Book of Common Prayer for Jewish Women, Philadelphia, Pa. 2004. ↩
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Leviticus 12:4-5; 15:19. ↩
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Hannah Harrington, The Purity Texts, New York 2004, pp. 74-75. ↩
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Balberg, op. cit. ↩
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Scholars have seen parallels between the rabbinic taxonomy for miscarried fetuses and Greek medical traditions as well as ancient Near Eastern omen traditions. Rachel Neis, “The Reproduction of Species: Humans, Animals and Species Nonconformity in Early Rabbinic Science,” JSQ 24.4 (2017), 434-51; Mark Geller, “The Survival of Babylonian Wissenschaft in Later Tradition,” in The Heirs of Assyria, Helsinki 2000, pp. 1-6. ↩
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Jason Weiner, “Jewish Guidance on the Loss of a Baby or Fetus,” Hakirah 23 (2017), 93-111. ↩
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In Assyria, abortion was considered a heinous crime, perhaps because it interfered with the property rights of the husband, and a woman who attempted to abort her own fetus could be impaled and left unburied (Middle Assyrian Law A 53). Abortion was legal in ancient Greece and Rome. Plato’s Theaetetus discusses a midwife’s ability to induce abortion in the early stages of pregnancy; Hippocrates denied the fetus a soul or life at fertilization, at least until the male fetus reached forty days and the female fetus ninety days; and Aristotle advised that abortion be procured before “sense and life” had begun. The Pythagoreans, by contrast, opposed any form of abortion, believing the soul entered the body at fertilization and regarding abortion as murder. In ancient Rome the fetus was not considered a living human and abortion was not a crime, though a husband could punish or divorce a wife who aborted without his permission. ↩
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Meredith Kline, “Lex Talionis and the Human Fetus,” Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society, 1977, p. 193. ↩
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Jeremiah 20:17. Jeremiah is talking about God killing him in the womb, not a human being doing so. ↩
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Mekhilta Mishpatim 4; BT Sanhedrin 84b and BT Niddah 44b. ↩
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Mishnah Oholot 7:6. Cf. Mishnah Niddah 3:5; also Tosefta Yevamot 9; BT Sanhedrin 72b. ↩
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Tosafot Sanhedrin 59a; Hullin 33a. ↩
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Beth Alpert Nakkai, “When Considering Infants and Jar Burials in the Middle Bronze Age Southern Levant,” in Tell It in Gath: Studies in the History and Archaeology of Israel. Essays in Honor of Aren M. Maeir, Ägypten und Altes Testament 90, Münster: Zaphon, 2018. ↩
Ilona Rashkow, who holds a PhD in Comparative Literature, is Professor Emerita at the State University of New York at Stony Brook and teaches regularly at New York University. She presents papers routinely at national and international academic conferences and has been the Visiting Aaron Aronoff Chair in Judaic Studies at the University of Alabama as well as a Visiting Research Scholar at the Jewish Theological Seminary.
Cite this article
Ilona Rashkow. "“Ones Who Have Fallen Out” (Nefel): Spontaneous, Accidental, and Intentional: Miscarriage Laws in Ancient Israel." Jewish Bible Quarterly 50, no. 4 (October – December 2022): 255–263.
Ilona Rashkow. "“Ones Who Have Fallen Out” (Nefel): Spontaneous, Accidental, and Intentional: Miscarriage Laws in Ancient Israel." Jewish Bible Quarterly, vol. 50, no. 4, 2022, pp. 255–263.